Susan A. Thornton proposes a “cooperation spiral” that could lead China and the United States, together with ASEAN South China Sea claimants, to restore trust and reestablish law, rules, and restraint in this vital waterway.

Jonathan Stromseth argues that Washington needs to improve its economic game in Southeast Asia by operationalizing infrastructure coordination with allies and partners, including Japan, Australia, and Singapore.

Richard C. Bush argues that the next U.S. administration will face decisions regarding whether to change policy toward Taiwan and Hong Kong in order to secure its interests.

Jonathan D. Pollack concludes that the Trump administration’s failure to achieve any of its declared denuclearization objectives requires a careful reassessment of credible policy goals, the mechanisms needed to advance them, and steps to be avoided.

Rush Doshi argues that U.S.-China crisis management and risk reduction should be a point of emphasis for the next U.S. administration.

David Dollar calls on the next administration to end the current “managed trade” approach to the U.S. economic relationship with China.

Robert D. Williams argues the U.S. should seek to protect American intellectual property and strategic technologies while sustaining and strengthening the innovation ecosystem that makes those technologies possible, while upholding American values of human rights, democracy, and rule of law.

Samm Sacks argues that U.S.-China technology interdependence creates a suite of challenges for cross-border data flows, data privacy, and data security that extend beyond the traditional risks of cyber espionage and protecting intellectual property.

Jamie P. Horsley urges the next administration to strengthen official U.S.-China legal cooperation to support China’s efforts to establish rule of law and good governance.